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Sylvia’s Children . . . Make that Child

In second grade, we learned that Lincoln’s mother, Nancy Hanks, had died of milk sickness when he was very young.

I grieved for her. She was dead–would have been dead anyway, it being more than 100 years past that original death when I found out. I felt sorry for Abe, with a step-mother and all (being naive and only 7 I didn’t realize that stance might be prejudiced, hadn’t considered that fairy tales give step-moms a bad rap–probably undeserved.) Anyway, I didn’t analyze the feeling: I was sad. I didn’t want Abraham Lincoln’s mother to have died so young.

Later, I learned that in a billion years the sun will explode–and that made me sad as well. A grade school friend (other people have always been smarter about this than I) pointed out that I would be long dead by then. I was pretty good with numbers, I knew a billion was a big number and meant a long, long time. But I was sad for awhile.

Just now I read that Nicholas Hughes, age 47, son of Sylvia Plath and Ted Hughes–the world’s champion survivor–killed himself in Alaska just weeks ago. He and his still living sister Frieda live in my memory as the two dead babies coiled at the dead mother’s breast in one of the Ariel poems. We all grieved for Sylvia and for Anne–Sexton. I grieved as well for John Berryman, whose verse I loved and whose wry spirit sparkled in my mind’s eye. I’m glad I never met him. Rumor has it he came to our college campus once so drunk he puked in the car on the way to the airport.

Get close to the dead and you’re done for.

I never grieved for Robert Lowell–who knows why?

Linda Sexton wrote a lovely reflection on Nicholas and the legacy of suicide. Parents who kill themselves leave an awful wreckage. I don’t have to comment on that; it’s quite well known. Berryman’s father killed himself when John was 10. Nicholas and Frieda lost their’s before they were three. Did they remember her at all?

Maybe Nicholas’ life was a triumph of sorts–he outlived Sylvia by 15 years. His father died some years ago–naturally, so at least his son spared him that terrible grinding guilt of thinking having been convicted by many of driving the mother to death he might, thus, be guilty also of his son’s.

So I’m sad. Sad as I only get over people I’ve never met.

Nicholas, as I learned about your mother–as I learned about Abe Lincoln’s mother–you became to me a tiny, indeterminate presence outside the kitchen on a cold morning in London. And she was vivid, blond, desperate, half psychotic and dead in an open gas stove like the one I grew up with. She had fallen asleep and left a legacy I admired more than any I can think of–not you, but three books of exceptional poetry, vivid, charged with intellect and imagination, and deathless.

So I wondered about you. And wondered. From time to time, knowing nothing until today when I opened the NYT online and found this editorial by Linda Sexton, saying how she has wanted to die by her own hand and wondering whether your sister may be OK. And I guess you were for awhile–a longish while. I trust there was some happiness, some love.

And so here I sit with little tears in my aging, well adjusted, half-decent poet’s eyes. I still miss Nancy Hank and John Berryman, wish they’d gone on–to see their children succeed, to celebrate the way life is supposed to succeed life and descent into death as a kind eventuality, not sought, not speeded up, expected, deferred, deflected and finally, inevitable and accepted. And I wish that for Nicholas, as well, who left his research and colleagues who liked and admired him.

Now he’s dead like Nancy and John, as the sun will be one day. And you and I. No doubt that’s the source of the sadness. At age 7 you can be sad and hopeful both. At 57 it’s harder–the dead seem deader and farther away. Especially those we only know as words.

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Could the “Best and Brightest?” be “The Enemy of the Good?”

OK. I just finished a Newsweek article (30 March 2009) by Evan THomas and John Barry about all the empty posts at the top of key federal bureaucracies. Their idea is that by setting the ethical bar very high and making the vetting process feel and look like a witch hunt, those running the search for sub-cabinet posts have made it impossible to fill them. Candidates either have cheated or don’t want to find out that they have (being “best and brightest” but, apparently, not personally responsible). We lost TOm Daschle (a fact I mourn–but, really, what was he thinking?) And poor Geithner is answering his own phones, I hear, on top of all his other woes.

Well, OK, not really, but he can’t do his job right and the author blames it partly on a too high standard for the vetting process that’s keeping the offices empty when we need all hands on deck.

According to the article, we should just let these folks pay their back taxes and move in.

OK. Maybe. But looking at what Mr. Geithner has done so far (and I’m a progressive!), I’m thinking we might have done almost as well with someone a little less conventionally “best and bright” and a little more bound by the legal and ethical standards we “mediocre and low wattage” types must and usually do hold to.

The very idea of OWING 40 thousand in back taxes is inconceivable to me. My family would have had to skip the last . . . well several years I’m sure. . . to reach that number. So right away I’m out of my depth. But really (and I realize this point has been made) how does a Wall Street wizard NOT KNOW he’s missed some taxes?

If Geithner didn’t know, I submit he needs to pay more attention to his own bottom line. On the theory that ethics and management, like charity, begin at home, I suggest that rather than lower the bar we all adjust those famous moral compasses.

Pundits who continually say we’re losing top talent because they need to make 20 million dollars a year to feel satisfied that they’re really valued or because they can’t seem to get the tax laws straight, need to re-examine that argument.

For one thing, given that most people DON’T fall in that bracket, and operating on the good for goose good for gander principle, lots of people will assume this means that they, too, are sort of exempted from really toeing the line on this stuff. What does it matter if you cheat? Who loses after all? Isn’t there a big picture out there that will still look pretty good even if there’s a squashed gnat in the lower left corner?

Maybe. But a lot of dead flies and you have a plague–and you know what THAT means.

Here’s the deal: we probably do need to streamline the vetting process and maybe some dirty laundry doesn’t have to reach the news (good luck with that in the age of Facebook, My Space, et al.) But why not accompany that by adding a good moral compass–and ability to find “true north”–to the definition of best and brightest?

That it seems to me is the only way we’ll really survive this mess.

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Wealth is not Worth: Response to NYT

This morning seeking new viewpoints, I went to the conservatives–conservative Democrats like Evan Bayh (a wonderful governor and senator with whom I probably agree about the spending bill) and a Wall Street Journal opinionist whose argument against Mr. Obama’s approach includes these comments:

” . . . he’s proposed additional taxes on earnings above the current payroll tax cap of $106,800 — a bad policy that would raise marginal tax rates still further and barely dent the long-run deficit. Increasing the top tax rates on earnings to 39.6% and on capital gains and dividends to 20% will reduce incentives for our most productive citizens and small businesses to work, save and invest . . .”

When I saw that, I realized there is a baseline difference in perspective at work here, one that has less to do with taxes and spending than with class. The phrase in bold indicates that money is the proof of productivity–much as it once was of divine favor. Depite the obvious fact that those who got us into this economic mess were making obscene profits while those doing what I would call very pointedly “honest” work have lost thousands of dollars that represent large percentages of their net and gross worth. To top it off, those CEOs, CFOs and brokers retain most of what they “earned;” the big stick aimed at them consists mostly in denying them access to future use of perks like planes and luxury conferences, not in jailing or fining them for their obvious misdeeds.

Hell, from what I can figure out most still have their jobs while millions of Americans–8.1 % of those who want to work and are registered (leaving out those, like my own daughter, who are not)–have lost their jobs, may lose their homes and are terrified about the future.

I don’t pretend to know the right answers here, but I refuse to listen to anyone whose arguments are predicated on the theory that income correlates one to one with productivity. Consider the poor, legal immigrant woman working 2 jobs so her children can go to college. Consider the teacher working for considerably less than 100,000 dollars each year, whose students, nonetheless, excel. Consider police, fire fighters, artists, musicians, construction workers. Then tell me the two five-storey buildings outside my office window are not as “productive” as the airy palaces of greed that swallowed our nation’s true productivity while shipping millions of those truly productive jobs (in the sense that something is produced) overseas.

This kind of attitude is past my contempt and pushes me from attempts to “understand” the other point of view to sheer fury. The more I consider it; the angrier I become.

I suppose the response would be that the author is using “productivity” in some arcane, economic sense. That would still mean, however, that productivity is identical to amount of money generated. And that, I submit, is the enormous error this country has made and the key to our current difficulties. Because money is both power and purchasing potential, its reflection and the status accrued by spending it–whether one has it or not–seduced the majority of Americans into reckless spending. And that includes our government. The desire to increase political power by increasing purchasing power infected not only those on Wall Street and in its tributary enclaves around the globe but also politicians–who demonstrate their effectiveness by bringing home the bacon. And those presiding over this consumer culture which is foundering now on its own addiction to deficit spending have sailed on in their yachts and will reappear with greed intact to prey on us again if we don’t get our priorities straight.

Money may be power, but power, as the suddenly much-praised Canadian government and culture seem to comprehend, is not necessarily healthy. Less craving for both money and power, more attention to values and to each other’s needs, would cause a vast improvement in America’s health: financial, political, and, yes, spiritual as well.

Progressives as well as conservatives must take note. Conservatives must realize that to conflate wealth and worth distorts reality in highly destructive ways. Progressives must recognize that our own lists of must-haves–from high speed rail to solar arrays–may have to undergo the same scrutiny and deferment that we bring to the examination of defense spending. We’re in a huge mess and the fact that we “won” cannot be our governing mantra.

But here’s my final point: as power and wealth are conflated–and have been since time immemorial, military might symbolizes power and is among the most difficult icons to let go. But, again looking at Canada, there is a quiet and persisten prosperity of another sort available to those who tend their own gardens and foster no ambitions to rule the world. I’m not talking about protectionism or isolationism. I’m talking about humility and common sense.

All of us want our country to be “the best.” Americans particularly suffer from this because our so-called experiment seems to us self-evidently proof that our system is superior, our citizens superlative and our right to dictate therefore obvious. But our so-called “enemies” do not acknowledge that superiority and their ascendancy suggests that, as with all dominance, it has passed. This may not be a repudiation of our system. It is a sign that other systems, however flawed they may seem to us, may triumph or at least persist; it is a sign that our system–which has so transformed the world–is severely flawed when seen from an outsider’s (and many insiders’) point of view.

One approach to hostility is to expend all one has on the tools and symbols of power and to attempt to beat down the opposition. All signs point to “no” in that regard. Our global opposition has more people than we, rapidly increasing wealth and technological prowess, and little sense of obligation to us. If we would lead, it must be by example. If we want peace, that example should be pacifistic.

Reduced defense spending may not seem an obvious conclusion to the syllogism that begins with wealth is not worth. But military spending, as I said before, protects and also represents wealth. We are attached to our guns both because we think they protect us and because we think they convey our power and value to the world. But just as the wildly “successful” financial wizards in fact have destroyed nearly 75% of the stock markets’ value in the last two years. While the auto worker and the farmer, in spite of dismal prospects and returns continue to produce machines and food. The benefits of military might–and investment–seem vastly over stated. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan far from making us safer have sapped our coffers, destroyed many lives–most of them non-American–and left an unstable mess. Worth is not wealth. Wealth can promote worth only by investing in what has true value. True value begins with mutual respect based not on consumption or income but on our common plight and infinite potential–when we work together.

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Re: Poisonous Forward on Illegal Immigration

This morning I opened an email from someone I love. It was a forward entitled “Are We That Stupid” and purported to supply a great many facts about taxes and illegal immigration. The basic suggestion boiled down to this: Illegal immigration costs more than the war in Iraq so people should not concern themselves with the war’s cost but only with the (supposed) social service dollars being used by illegal immigrants. Here is my response:

The short answer is “Yes, I am that stupid.” In spades. I don’t have time right now to check all the links you sent. But here’s one I did check with the response of the sponsors of the site: http://www.taxfoundation.org/blog/show/22958.html. The site itself takes issues with the “facts” in your email.

Second, the supposed list of costs of “illegal aliens” includes some completely unverifiable guesses–such as 200 billion in lost wages. And the diatribe relies on the 200 billion to come up with a tally of less than 400 billion dollars that remains 1/2 or less of the ongoing cost of the war in Ira–and we haven’t even seen the costs of caring for physically and psychologically wounded warriors from Iraq. Many of the jobs performed by Mexican workers are jobs citizens will not do. And aside from the ethnic hostility such emails stir up (by which I am nothing short of appalled) the fact remains that many of these workers (those with phony soc sec numbers) also contribute taxes–without reaping the benefits.

Furthermore, it’s absolutely not true that Barrack Obama plans to raise taxes on most Americans–although I doubt under the present circumstances that he will be able to offer the tax cuts he has promised. Tax increases (or more accurately returns to previous levels) will occur for those in the top 1% of our popultation. Are you making more than $250,000 a year? If you were, do you think it would bankrupt you to pay some of those thousands in taxes in order to rebuild infrastructure and, yes, support the military? You can look at those taxes as insurance to protect you from the social disintegration and criminality likely to result from the continuing redistribution of wealth in this country to the rich and away from the workers–of whatever origin–at the bottom of the ladder? How many of your own benefits–social security, medicare, unemployment insurance, disability insurance, occupational safety, clean air and water, safe drugs . . . are you willing to give up or reduce?

Finally, it is simply LUDICROUS to blame the present mess entirely on the Democratic congress that has had the slimmest majority for 2 years of the last 15 (Republicans controlled national legislation from 1994 until 2006). Much of what the brief majority aimed to do was thwarted by fillibusters. Recognition that rightful moral outrage against the war’s beginning could not translate into an easy answer to the present situation made it difficult to limit it or bring troops home–and save money there. In fact, for those of you who cheer for the surge, that was authorized under this Democratic congress–should they shoulder all the credit for that?

The mess we’re seeing unravel now is certainly of bipartisan–and CITIZEN–creation. Greed at every level, ignorance of the facts, an unmerited trust in our own righteousness and confidence in our unending economic prosperity, and–as evidenced by this poisonous forward–rampant jingoism have put us in a terrible position. The way out is not misrepresentation of the facts or finger-pointing at a group of people whose clout in this nation is notably NOT impressive. If illegal immigration is anything like the problem this email suggests, then the employers must bear AT LEAST as much blame for the problem because people do not come here for welfare–and you can’t get unemployment insurance unless you’ve HAD a job and lost it. (Ask my daughter who’s been looking for work for six months and has a master’s degree.)

And regardless of what costs more. Which is more immoral: preemptive action against a government and people that had NOT attacked and, it turns out had no capacity to attack, us or taking care of people who are living and working amongst us? People who are our neighbors. As a Christian I believe in caring for my neighbors–whoever they are and wherever they come from. And those social services that you accuse these folks of taking (believe me I’ll check the web sites) are also available and used by citizens–including yourself. Ask yourself which party is behind ideas like disability insurance.

I’m sorry to sound so angry. But I am. Forwards like this make me furious. I have always thought of you as compassionate and gentle, but this anger at a group of people whom we hardly know–that extends to the language they speak–strikes me as anything but. It is scapegoating–and an oversimplification of a complicated and long-standing problem.

Sometimes I do just delete (as the email recommends), but this morning I simply can’t do that. Too much is at stake. If in my checking of web sites, I find some truth in the points you’ve raised, I will apply them to the rest of what I know–and believe to be right. My real problem with this email is its hatefulness and its suggestion that if war is cheaper it is therefore right or shouldn’t be questioned. That is a dangerous as well as an immoral position.

So I am at least as stupid as the people referenced by your email.

And I plan to continue in that path.

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A Left(ish)ist Speaks: Gov’t NOT the Only Answer, But

Sometime last week in the course of the media’s gluttonous consumption of Sarah Palin, she expressed her view that government is not the answer to everything—implying, quite reasonably but inaccurately, that her opponents believe it is exactly that.

In fact, as a now rabid supporter of the Democratic ticket my concern is not that government answer EVERYTHING but that it shift what it answers, and in particular what it spends our money for.

My counterparts on the right (footnote: try finding a neutral synonym for “opponent,” “adversary,” that doesn’t connote “enemy”)

OK. My counterparts on the right ASSUME that the military is sacrosanct. So in the same way that my fellow lefties view social security as off limits and inviolable, these Republicans never mention the military budget when speaking of cutting federal spending. Instead, McCain, Palin, Bush, and others pontificate on the government’s obligation to protect the people from enemies.

(Equal time: Democrats rarely invoke the enormous cost of social security. They invoke the sacred obligation to fulfill promises and protect people from hard times.)

Here’s the interesting thing. The right’s version of “protection” includes fetal life and military security. The left’s emphasizes health (certainly an implied sub-category of “life” as a constitutional right and core value), privacy, humane incarceration (including no torture), education (a key component in this economy of “happiness”), the environment (without a healthy ecology life will no longer exist . . . period).

My point is that Palin’s formulation—“government is the left’s answer to everything” –distorts reality. It’s not a question of more or less spending—the Bush budget with its enormous growth and deficits due to military spending proves this emphatically. Instead, left and right offer different clusters of issues and circumstances for which government should provide solutions. And, as a consequence, when they “save” money, they will save it in different areas.

McCain and Palin want to reduce the size of government while maintaining the colossal military expenditures. (If you’re interested, there are some excellent visual representations available to demonstrate how current military budgets dwarf all other expenditures outside the so-called entitlements<http://www.warresisters.org/pages/piechart.htm>, <http://www.globalissues.org/article/75/world-military-spending>, <http://www.truthandpolitics.org/military-relative-size.php>.) The candidates speak with moral superiority of eliminating “ear marks”—those are the monies you re-elect your representatives to bring home (the “bridge to nowhere” being a prime example). They will almost certainly suggest some level of privatization for future social security (and please remember what’s happening to your stocks right now when you consider whether that should be the basis for “security” in your children’s futures). The only other areas to cut spending are domestic programs, and that’s a code for “programs that help the poor, defend endangered species and environments, support the arts, and so on.

Obama will be hard-pressed to reduce military spending not only because he (like McCain) will inherit wars already in progress—including, it seems likely this morning—one in Pakistan but also because our economy is so militarized (the military industrial complex is no myth) that to reduce spending on the military you have to figure out what to do for hundreds of thousands of hard-working Americans who build weapons and war planes—and not only for the U.S.— to earn their paychecks.

But Obama’s approach will be to seek ways to do that—partly, as Obama has said, by encouraging development of greener energies and industries. And they will want to hold the line on military spending while protecting—if we’re lucky, expanding somewhat– the protections poorer and border-line poor Americans depend on for maintaining a decent quality of life. Democrats will be hard-pressed to do much in this area. But their philosophy will not necessarily be to expand government. Their approach will be to apply its advantages as a giant and over-arching institution and, yes, collector of money, in ways best-suited to its strengths. These include the environment and the social net. Personally, I think education should remain local; the federal government may set the tone but should not attempt to impose achievement and other standards on the states and localities.

Democrats regard the environment as appropriate for federal activity because too many aspects of environment (air, water e.g.) cross state boundaries and many more local actions have consequences that touch the rest of the nation, even the globe, profoundly and irrevocably. Another of these is the grand social net. In part, our mobile society requires a federal answer to generally balancing incomes. This is a now antique (but forgotten mostly) insight from the social activists of the thirties to the fifties. They realized that if New York chooses to take care of its poor while Pennsylvania chooses not to, the poor from Pennsylvania (or Tennessee or wherever) are likely to descend on New York in droves, straining the limits of its charity. The same applies to healthcare, which is not just for the poor.

As a leftist, I do believe government in some sense is the best answer to providing healthcare for all Americans and, yes, to reduce costs somewhat in the process. That view fits nicely with my view that the elderly should not have to be homeless and penniless, at the mercy of failing pensions, risky stock markets (how’s your nest egg doing this month?) and so forth. I won’t get into how much protection that should be, but suffice it to say that I believe the “right to life” ought to include some level of quality. So just as the unwanted child who ends up abused should be protected from beatings, the elderly person with no other resources should be allowed the dignity of “deserving” and receiving at least enough to “get by.” Personally, I don’t have trouble with pro-life—except when it forces a woman to carry a dead child to term or to risk her life for it or to bear for nine months the reminder of a traumatic sexual assault. But if you’re pro-life (as my pastor pointed out just last week), how can you be pro-capitol punishment? And, by extension, how can you condemn those you insist on bringing to term to sub-standard housing, with wages so low they are unlivable, and often the near certainty of prison time based on your color and your neighborhood demographics?

If you can’t do that (and I can’t), then you have to look at the pile of money and the size of the problems and seek solutions. Some solutions will without doubt have to come from private charity. But some solutions are better imposed either by statute and regulation (which cost money to enforce) or by direct expenditure on programs (which cost money for actually delivery of services). My impression is that those of you who can rationalize leaving such folks to fend for themselves or to depend on wonderful but inadequate private charities, will look at that same pile as the price of protection from terrorists and illegal immigration.

I’ll leave aside for the moment whether that’s a good idea and offer a bargain: I’ll agree to stringent oversight for social programs and to seeking ways to streamline the federal bureaucracies that fund them etc. etc. But you must agree to examine the military budget with a careful eye to cutting spending.

Peace, as others have observed, is not merely the absence of war. Life (at least life worth living) is more than the presence of a heartbeat. However, enemies exist—and opponents who might become enemies exist. The job of government is to fulfill the roles most suited to its nature as our collective pocketbook. Of course, we want to be safe from terrorists. But let’s go back to asking what’s the best way to do that. Should we invade a country, take over its government (to prevent a vacuum) and spend 10 billion dollars a day for five or more years on an experiment in nation-building? Or should we arrange for protection of our borders (in airports, bus terminals etc) while exercising the best diplomacy money can buy and redistributing some of the military’s budget toward giving us economic security—not only in the form of direct social programs and health care but also in the form of job retraining, appropriate federal action on education and protection of vulnerable cities from disasters?

That’s what I’d do. And I guarantee, it can be done without raising the cost of doing the country’s business.

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P.S. Go to this link

I guess I’m not the only one who sees a link between the Palin pregnancy and sex education. Here’s a link to an article with many more facts than I who reaches a similar conclusion–at least with respect to the kind and availability of sex education.

Enjoy!

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/06/opinion/06blow.html?th&emc=th

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Urgent: Militarism Threatens Democracy

Generally, I write these posts in MS Word and edit before I post. Given the lack of traffic here, it seems a little silly to change that pattern, but this feels urgent–and it is time-sensitive. The article that triggered the thoughts will be archived soon. The moment will pass. And the issue is crucial.

So if it’s the week of July 1, go to this link
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/01/washington/01gitmo.html?th&emc=th

If it’s not that week, read on; I’ll summarize a bit.

The article concerns Guantanamo and an appeals court decision that a particular prisoner was held on scant real evidence. In fact, the government’s basis for holding this particular Chinese Muslim was that it had three documents that all declared him–without citing any hard evidence–to be connected to various terrorist or terrorist sympathizing groups.

The court, according to the article, rightly compared this to a situation in Lewis Carroll’s “The Hunting of the Snark” where a speaker declares, “I have said it thrice: What I tell you three times is true.”

The court’s ruling that just saying so does not constitute grounds for detaining a human being for six years of his life–or any length of time for that matter elicited this response from Glenn M. Sulmasy, “a national security fellow at Harvard,

“This case displays the inadequacies of having civilian courts inject themselves into military decision-making,” said Mr. Sulmasy, who is also “a law professor at the Coast Guard Academy”.

The military, in other words, should get to decide whom it imprisons and for how long entirely on its own.

Of course, the article doesn’t clue us in to the intricacies of Mr. Sulmasy’s thinking. We only get the conclusion. But that conclusion raises serious concerns about our nation’s division of powers. Of course, there are 3 branches of our governments: legislative, judicial and executive. The first 2 determine what is legal, that last enforces those laws and conducts the country’s business. In the federal government, the business includes making war, so the military is linked to the executive by way of a civilian commander in chief and the Secretary of Defense whom he appoints. This arrangement helps create a balance of power.

Thus, while the military may most often go its own way–and has managed to convince a majority of Congress as well, apparently, as a majority of the populace to go along most of the time–it is in fact ultimately beholden to the president and he, with the permission of Congress, decides which wars to fight.

Without this crucial safeguard, the military could decide to go to war on its own. Generals would exercise much greater power over our fates. Often, at least when I was in government and American history classes, I was told that the idea of civilian leadership of the military was enlightened–a kind of trigger-lock on the whole apparatus of warfare.

But Mr. Sulmasy’s statement suggests that the military should oversee its own activities and be allowed to reach judgments by a different standard, according to its own perceptions and determinations and quite apart from civilian oversight. This, I submit, is a dangerous position.

I reallize that Mr. Sulmasy is not talking about the president’s power to initiate warfare or the Congressional power to declare and provide funds for war. But the civilian commander in chief is a synechdoche of military structure and control. As the president leads the entire military when it comes to making war, so the civilian justice system should have some say about how the military (part of our government and thus reflective of our values) conducts its affairs–particularly when those affairs involve civilians–regardless of nationality. Remember, the Declaration of Independence, speaks of rights for all humans, under which, in the particular instance of our nation, we gained the right to establish a government for ourselves in order to secure “inalienable” rights of “men” (not just Americans).

Of course, like Mr. Sulmasy, the military power-structure assumes that detainees at Guantanamo are not civilians but “enemy combatants.” And we are in a so-called war on terrorism that, mimicking our global economy, defies the notion of national boundaries and identity. This detainee from China was found in Afghanistan and, maybe, had friends or associates connected to the Taliban or Al Qaeda. Terrorists don’t wear uniforms, so their guilt is by association–unless they are caught red-handed.

And that, it seems, seldom happens.

Perhaps, then, we need a revised strategy for finding and prosecuting–or combating–these “enemies. The counter-argument generally asserts that suspension of habeas corpus is a temporary casualty, instituted sparingly and only when someone has a really good reason. But even detention of Japanese citizens of the U.S. (which was pretty awful and for which the government has had to apologize) did not last 6 years. World War 2 as not six years long. Moreover, we have been promised a War on Terror with no end in sight. So presumably rather than 6 years, an innocent person could spend life in prison simply because the Pentagon said three times that he or she was dangerous. Or might be.

So this is my urgency–we need above all not to sacrifice our values in the pursuit of security. This deviation from principle is not an aberration and is unlikely to be temporary. We cannot afford to turn over not only 40% of our federal budget but also the power to decide who is an enemy and what to do about it to people in military uniforms. In an age of volunteer armies, this becomes especially important. I mean no disrespect to our military citizens. I admire their courage and dedication. I do not take lightly their willingness to die for us, for me. Nevertheless, a volunteer army means everyone in the army, navy, air force marines, is willing to go to war–may even expect to. There is no civilian restraint in such a system. No poor schmuck gets caught up by fate in a war in which he or she has no stake or interest and sent off, terrified, to risk life on a battlefield. So now more than ever we need civilian oversight of military activities. We need a president who acknowledges other options than war, a populace vigilant about the expense, in all ways, of maintaining the military as our first choice against our adversaries. And a populace devoted enough to the values of its society that it will not abandon those principles just to be safe.

Many military people cite willingness to die for one’s values as a sign of true virtue. If you won’t die for them, the argument goes, it doesn’t count. Well, I’m just holding the rest of us to that same standard. I don’t call for us to go into battle. In fact, I believe we should have fewer battles and resolve conflicts by other means. The danger I invite us to enter is hypothetical: maybe if we release people we feel might be dangerous, maybe if we never even detain them, some will go on to commit heinous acts of agression. And maybe they won’t.

We need civilian courts to protect those fingered by the military without probable cause or evidence. It’s easy to give up six years of a poor Chinese man’s life, but if guilt by association remains grounds for arrest, those six–or eight or ten or twenty–years could be your next door neighbor’s

Or your own.

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My teaching persona

I spend a lot of time wishing I was writing poetry, looking for topics, jotting down inspirations, scanning the interior landscape for my own, special tree. Oddly enough, in quest of poetry to read and to write I continually end up with ideas for teaching.

I am not a confident teacher—though I move sure-footed through my tutoring. Self-doubt is my most persistent pedagogic muse—glaring like an unfriendly district superintendent over my shoulder at every move, asking: Are you in control? Why don’t ;you get them to stop playing computer games? What did that teach them? Why haven’t they improved? Why do they hate this assignment?

I like my experience with students to feel like a social hour with me as host but able to command my guests and that way still accomplish a lot. This oxymoron traps me repeatedly. Wanting to mother, it seems I often alienate. After all, these are usually 18 year olds anxious to shed parental oversight. What they want is someone other, perhaps, a bit more exotic, less accessible, even scarier. It’s not a persona I adopt easily.

It’s summer now. I look forward to teaching, in spite of my trepidations. I stockpile articles and books on pedagogy, I read and re-read textbooks, trying to match their version of learning with mine and what I think my students will respond to. I’m likely to be wrong again in some cases. I know I’ll encounter those who don’t get me and many, perhaps, whose progress as writers is incremental at best.

But I don’t want to stop. And I continue to believe I’ll improve.

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Mothers’ Day

On Mothers’ Day (and as a mom I’m well aware that tomorrow IS that day and fully count on being “honored”) we celebrate an impossible ideal. Culture and media as well as our own rose-colored emotions conjure an image of a saintly, cookie baker that resembles almost no one I know. As one drive-by business sign summarized the prevailing attitude, “Mothers are angels without wings.”

As a flesh and blood, flawed and sometimes regretful member of that class, I cringe at such misrepresentations. They both call on me to be what I am not and tend to kick me out of a group to which I belong in spite of my flaws and transgressions. And, by invoking the entirely demystified and slightly immature cherub—in the tradition of the fairy godmother aunts in Disney’s Sleeping Beauty—the superficial stereotypes reduce the mystery, power, real sacrifice and intense and instinctual relationship compounded in mother-and child-hood. Motherhood is miraculous, but it’s not always pretty. Or even kind.

It occurred to me this morning that many of us suspect compassion in general of hackneyed bathos, syrupy sentimentality—and that the formulation of Mothers’ Day is partly responsible. . When someone speaks of loving neighbors and compassion for all sentient creatures, we think too much of Hallmark Mothers’ Day and not enough of . . . something else.

What? What component of love do those flowery cards lack that reduces them from true compassion to kitsch and, even, hypocrisy?

One component is sustainability. On selected days, for fleeting moments, a child or sister or mother, declares a gratitude and recognition that during the rest of their lives—outside the theater of the holiday—is soundly contradicted by “real world” behavior. Everyone shares a tear-filled moment, like the emotion conjured in a tear-jerker film, but no one can carry that sentiment into the everyday. Heck, it may not last through dinner. Leave the theater, buy an ice cream or coffee, and you’re right back in yourself, no permanent transformation accomplished because the experience is based on a fiction.

The frilliest of cards for mothers describe saintly self-sacrifice—without any of the emotions or conditions that made her behaviors sacrificial. The cornball postulate that by becoming mothers women achieve some level of apotheosis belies the moments in any mother’s (or other person’s life) when she (or he) was anything but angelic. And watching the relationships of those who exchange such platitudes, I often experienced a sense of subdivided personality. No doubt there is real feeling somewhere, but on a daily basis it’s revealed as considerably different from the representations on the cards.

Another missing component, then, is honesty.

True compassion, I suppose, detaches from all moments—the celebratory and sacralized as well as the ordinary and secular—and having observed truly but without judgment, accepts and honors, despite what in the course of life have been and will continue to be conflicts, pain, struggle and enduring existential isolation.

In this sense, the humorous card serves as the better vehicle for true connection. In shared laughter, by choosing to recognize what falls short of glory people generate true connection. Of course, it’s quite possible (though difficult) to find (or compose) cards that express heartfelt, real gratitude, but that real sentiment will never hold up an impossible standard as having been met when the recipient will know (almost certainly) that the image in the mirror is a lie. Instead, true sentiment remembers the concrete and recognizes that true heroism occurs among the flawed and the human.

In films, people always tell little boys that true courage is not an absence of fear but a moving forward despite it. Why can’t we tell mothers the same thing? No matter mistakes you have made—and will continue to make—your relationship matters. If you have worked against your grain, suppressed your own desires, bitten your tongue, even over-reacted in fear for the safety of your child, you have been a good mother. And because that’s one key relationship in any person’s life, celebration of whatever it was and preparation to improve whatever will be are worthwhile. So in honor of your true—and imperfect—reality, we will not propose an impossible standard but will take this moment to say we love you anyway. In that way, Mothers’ Day (and holidays like it) could further the quest for true compassion. The teacher who first explained Buddhism to me called it a recognition of “suchness:” the absolute individuality of an entity. He spoke of experiencing this knock-you-off-your-feet insight in response to a dandelion pushing through a sidewalk crack. We can begin that project by acknowledging our real mothers–and children. By rejecting the phony rose for the scrawny but miraculous—and actual—flowering weed.

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Finish

10 March

Spring Break has ended and I am back. My adventure cured me for the present of my fear of flight. Yesterday morning, I could not wait to board, to take-off. To get home. My husband figured large in that, though sun and relative warmth were very welcome. We flew non-stop after Cincinnati, gradually leaving the blizzard to the plows and the natives of the north. In Tampa, we were welcomed like the long lost, “I’ll have you home in no time,” promised the parking shuttle driver. And he was right.

The whole experience folds away now, sinks back into and under routine.

Two images endure: the dining room of “refugees” with the waitress braving the elements to serve us. The chatting. The ersatz bonding. The chill blasts from the entry doors opening on a steady stream. Coming and going. The piles of dishes as customers rotated through and the overworked waitress simply sat the next at a different table like the Mad Hatter at Alice’s tea party. From that picture, so many questions linger: Did my elderly women get back to Dayton? Did the teenager on break from her prep school ever join her grandparents in Puerto Rico? What will become of two-year-old Nathan who befriended everyone he could charm? Did that couple ever find the right hotel? Did the single robin poking for worms in the drifts survive?

And the snow.

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